All I wanted was an historical anime about Yasuke and him interacting with the world of Feudal Japan...
I DIDN'T WANT ROBOTS AND MAGIC FANTASY
Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun
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I DIDN'T WANT ROBOTS AND MAGIC FANTASY
YOU WILL GET YOUR GENERIC ANIME CLICHES AND YOU WILL LIKE IT
Chapter 130: Politics of the Genroku Era and Another Amur Intervention
Chapter 130: Politics of the Genroku Era and Another Amur Intervention
After the Yoshitaka incident and the decline of the old Nanshin faction, a state of political balance emerged with no one faction being dominant. In the same year of 1692, prominent daimyo on the Sangi-shu like Ryuzoji Tomoie and Nanbu Shigenobu also retired or passed away, leaving further room for a new cadre to emerge in Azuchi. In addition to Oda Nobuie, this new generation would come to include Sangi-shu daimyo lords Kakizaki Norihiro from Ezo, Kawajiri Shigehiro (河尻鎮熙) from Kai, and Otomo Yoshitaka from northern Kyushu. Additionally, Nobuie’s loyal tutor and advisor Tsuda Takeakira would be appointed Azuchi’s Kanazawa magistrate in a move that not only gave him control of Japan’s biggest city outside the Kinki region but also was seen as a conciliatory gesture towards the old Hokushin faction, especially towards old retainers of Kaga Nagaaki. The new generation notably did not engage in factionalism as much as the councilors and bureaucrats of the 1670s and 1680s did, though blocs of shared interests naturally persisted within the Sangi-shu and the bureaucracy.
Finally able to push their interests without the dominance of the Kanbe brothers, eastern and northern daimyo lords successfully pushed for modest measures aimed at revitalizing swaths of the rural countryside left out of the urban-centered prosperity of the late 17th century. The economic phenomenon encouraged more and more peasants to drop their feudal obligations and leave either for the cities or out of the home islands while the gap between the rich and poor began to develop among the farmers, hurting the local economies of these regions. This also affected the finances of the regional clans, many of their ji-shoukai dependent on cash crops. The Sangi-shu expanded the central government’s rice reserves to better prepare for future famines and encouraged daimyo who could to do the same. Meanwhile, Azuchi magistrate Niwa Nagamori (丹羽長守) tightened security at the checkpoints into the city in order to turn away runaway farmers, although in practice this was very difficult to implement and no other city made a serious effort to do the same. Additionally, Azuchi would support renewed efforts towards land reclamation and other measures that opened up more arable land. Among the councilors, an attempt was even made to curb the privileges of the merchant class, especially those in Azuchi, Kyoto, and Sakai, although it would ultimately not come to pass.
Although Japan would not proceed towards expanding into the entirety of Karafuto island just yet, its increased presence in the already occupied south would pave the way towards that goal post. With the death of Sakuma Moritora in 1672, Japanese interests in southern Karafuto had lost its greatest advocate and the subsequent political defeat of the Hokushin faction slowed Japan’s growth on the island. The main Japanese outpost of Oodomari remained a minor settlement of traders, fur trappers, and fishermen de facto managed by the Sakuma clan with Azuchi’s oversight, the Ainu and other indigenous tribes in the claimed lands running their own affairs and only occasionally paying tribute and lip service to the Japanese. The success from the Menashir War and a more favorable political environment, however, would begin to turn this around. An official magistracy would be established and a more formal governing system would be instituted in order to bring the natives under more direct control and get involved with trade. Karafuto would even finally be made an official province, Karafuto province (樺太国). Beyond Karafuto, Japanese activity in the far north would pick up due in part to the success of the Menashir War. Kakizaki Norihiro in Ezo, who also was one of the new councilors, was embarking upon his domain’s centralization at home, instituting monopolies over the fur trade and direct interactions with the Ainu tribes and tightening his grip over the natives. Working in tandem with Azuchi especially with the Hakodate magistracy, Norihiro would influence Japan’s policies in the far north over the next few decades. Other northern daimyo as well as independent merchants would in turn take a greater interest in the rejuvenated frontier and Japanese activity in the Ezo Sea (蝦夷海) [1] would increase accordingly.
Finally able to push their interests without the dominance of the Kanbe brothers, eastern and northern daimyo lords successfully pushed for modest measures aimed at revitalizing swaths of the rural countryside left out of the urban-centered prosperity of the late 17th century. The economic phenomenon encouraged more and more peasants to drop their feudal obligations and leave either for the cities or out of the home islands while the gap between the rich and poor began to develop among the farmers, hurting the local economies of these regions. This also affected the finances of the regional clans, many of their ji-shoukai dependent on cash crops. The Sangi-shu expanded the central government’s rice reserves to better prepare for future famines and encouraged daimyo who could to do the same. Meanwhile, Azuchi magistrate Niwa Nagamori (丹羽長守) tightened security at the checkpoints into the city in order to turn away runaway farmers, although in practice this was very difficult to implement and no other city made a serious effort to do the same. Additionally, Azuchi would support renewed efforts towards land reclamation and other measures that opened up more arable land. Among the councilors, an attempt was even made to curb the privileges of the merchant class, especially those in Azuchi, Kyoto, and Sakai, although it would ultimately not come to pass.
Although Japan would not proceed towards expanding into the entirety of Karafuto island just yet, its increased presence in the already occupied south would pave the way towards that goal post. With the death of Sakuma Moritora in 1672, Japanese interests in southern Karafuto had lost its greatest advocate and the subsequent political defeat of the Hokushin faction slowed Japan’s growth on the island. The main Japanese outpost of Oodomari remained a minor settlement of traders, fur trappers, and fishermen de facto managed by the Sakuma clan with Azuchi’s oversight, the Ainu and other indigenous tribes in the claimed lands running their own affairs and only occasionally paying tribute and lip service to the Japanese. The success from the Menashir War and a more favorable political environment, however, would begin to turn this around. An official magistracy would be established and a more formal governing system would be instituted in order to bring the natives under more direct control and get involved with trade. Karafuto would even finally be made an official province, Karafuto province (樺太国). Beyond Karafuto, Japanese activity in the far north would pick up due in part to the success of the Menashir War. Kakizaki Norihiro in Ezo, who also was one of the new councilors, was embarking upon his domain’s centralization at home, instituting monopolies over the fur trade and direct interactions with the Ainu tribes and tightening his grip over the natives. Working in tandem with Azuchi especially with the Hakodate magistracy, Norihiro would influence Japan’s policies in the far north over the next few decades. Other northern daimyo as well as independent merchants would in turn take a greater interest in the rejuvenated frontier and Japanese activity in the Ezo Sea (蝦夷海) [1] would increase accordingly.
Portrait of Kakizaki Norihiro
In regards to its foreign policy, Azuchi would largely continue its developments from the Tenwa-Jokyo era, renewing the practice of embassy exchanges and maintaining a diplomatic balance with the European powers it interacted with. Notable embassies during this era include the 1693 Genroku embassy to Amsterdam, London, and Stockholm and the Delhi embassy of 1695. Increasingly, however, the Dutch and the French jostled with one another over the favor of Azuchi. Since the conclusion of the Franco-Dutch War, the rivalry between the two nations had expanded into the colonial sphere and they now competed with one another from North America to Southeast Asia. Although the Dutch no doubt had the upper hand throughout the globe, the French East India Company was receiving ever greater resources from Versailles and was beginning to raise the specter of Dutch overdominance in its diplomacy in the region. Within the Japanese government, despite personal biases among individuals no one was interested in siding with one particular side like Siam and Dai Viet had already, so for the time being Japan’s ports and trade interests remained a neutral ground between not only the French and the Dutch but also the English, the Portuguese, and even the Spanish.
During this period, events on the mainland would draw in Azuchi once more. In 1696, Amur khan Bahai would die after a successful reign of 30 years. As the second sovereign over the Amur Jurchens, he had saved his realm from the clutches of the Lesser Jin and pursued a path of recovery, development, and modernization. For all of his success, however, he failed to sire a son from either his consort or his concubines. Therefore, in his last years, he would designate one of his favorite generals, Sapusu, as his heir and marry his daughter to him. Initially, it seemed like Sapusu would take over the Amur Khanate upon Bahai’s death. Lesser Jin khan Baichali, however, had other plans. Aware of the jealousy and tension Bahai’s selection of Sapusu had created amongst the latter’s peers, he would support a lesser member of his Aisin Gioro clan, Yebusu, as the next Amur khan in a ploy to make the northern Jurchen polity a de facto protectorate of the Jin realm and pave the way for a united Jurchen state. With the support of Baichali, Yebusu began gathering an army and contacted Sapusu’s opponents within the Amur Khanate for their allegiances. Word of this quickly reached Sapusu and seeing defections beginning to occur, he sent messengers to Azuchi asking for Japanese support in favor of his succession.
Portrait of the new Amur khan, Sapusu
In response to Sapusu’s request, Azuchi agreed to send 13,000 men to support the Amur government against Yebusu’s impending invasion. Leading the effort would be Chinjufu shogun Nanbu Yukinobu, his presence supported by the Japanese navy. Sakuma Morimochi, now 24, would also be part of the expeditionary force and would be assigned command of the vanguard force of 5,000. As the grandson of the legendary Sakuma Moritora, he had trained to become a superb warrior and commander before participating in the Battle of Oniyoppu under the command of Nanbu Yukinobu’s right cavalry contingent. Upon his arrival in Nurgan, he would be jubilantly welcomed as a descendant of one of the khanate’s heroes. It was because of his celebrity status that Morimochi was able to manage preliminary negotiations and strategic talks with the khan and his officials and generals on how best to defend against Yebusu's invasion. While he awaited the arrival of the rest of the Japanese expeditionary force, Morimochi would send out small contingents to temporarily reinforce local garrisons along the Amur river and began strategizing with the new Amur khan on how best to respond against Yebusu. Once Yukinobu and the rest of the Japanese forces arrived, they would quickly coalesce and begin coordinating a punitive offensive against Yebusu’s approaching army. Once Kuroryutsu’s and Nurgan’s defenses were strengthened and their garrisons sufficiently expanded, the combined army of 10,000 Japanese samurai and 20,000 Amur Jurchens set off against Yebusu, totaling 30,000. Sapusu was at the head of this coalesced force with Yukinobu leading the Japanese.
They met Yebusu’s main force of around 25,000 Jin Jurchens and Amur Jurchen defectors on June 6th, 1697 near the frontier town of Huligai. On the Amur-Japanese side, 17,000 infantrymen armed with muskets, arquebuses, yari spears, and polearms formed up the center with horse archers screening the front ranks. The right wing of heavy Jurchen cavalry was led by Sapusu himself while Sakuma Morimochi led samurai cavalry and more horse archers on the left, with Nanbu Yukinobu overseeing the infantry and the artillery. On the other side, a mix of gunpowder and sword infantry made up the center with Ming-style heavy cavalry positioned on the right with rebel Amur Jurchen nobles and their cavalry positioned on the left, across from the liege they had betrayed. Both sides also brought cannons to the battlefield, with Yebusu having a numerical advantage in artillery pieces.
Battle of Huligai, Yellow = Yebusu’s army, Salmon = Japanese, Brown = Amur Jurchen
The battle began with the skirmishing of the horse archers in the front followed by an exchange of cannonfire that softened up the infantry formation of both sides. Then, cavalry charges were ordered from both the Amur-Japanese and Yebusu armies. Years of Ming influence had enabled the Lesser Jin to develop their heavy cavalry into armored tanks, allowing them to hold and even push back the Japanese cavalry. Nevertheless, the two wings were in balance, and it would ultimately be the Amur-Japanese infantry that would decide the outcome. Though every participant in the battle fielded better trained and more technologically advanced gunpowder infantry compared to the engagements of the Asiatic Northern War, Japan’s musketeers remained unmatched and they along with Japanese spearmen and the Amur Khanate’s own infantry began to push back Yebusu’s own infantry. The claimant to the northern khanate folded rather quickly, retreating even while his cavalry stood their ground. The latter reluctantly left the battlefield only when orders from Yebusu came. Sapusu and his Japanese allies had won the day.
Although Yebusu had lost several thousand men in this battle, his army remained intact and capable of launching a counteroffensive. His support, however, melted away as it became clear that the Japanese navy intended to blockade Haishenwei and other ports if necessary and that aid from the Ming, Joseon, or the Northern Yuan was not forthcoming. Furthermore, Yebusu’s battlefield conduct and hasty retreat came under heavy criticism, leading to Baichali ultimately pulling his backing. The Amur claimant would ultimately be driven out of the Lesser Jin and forced to flee to exile to the lands of the Northern Yuan along with any remaining supporters. Back in the Amur Khanate, the new khan’s government would quickly be purged of Yebusu’s old sympathizers and replaced with Sapusu’s loyalists and others sympathetic to Azuchi. As a result of what would be known as the Sapusu-Yebusu War, Japanese influence and presence would grow in the khanate to a degree not seen since Azuchi’s partial withdrawal in the 1670s.
[1]: Japanese name for the Sea of Okhotsk ITTL
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Very nice and well done chapter. Out of curiosity, what are the capitals of the Amur Khanate and Northern Yuan currently?
Hope to see Karafuto fully consolidated soon! Then from there, the Kurils and Kamchatka!
Great chapter it seems like Japan's eyes.are once more in the north, also I am curious about the state of the Ming army I have been reading obout it and the levels of corruption it had during the late Ming was staggering with generals having to maintain their soldiers families because the nobles steal their lands, mamy of them having deserted and those who remain normaly didn't functinoall gear and the emperor was keept uninformed of all of this to not earn the ire of the nobles, with all that has any changes been made to the Ming army or it has been reduced to a paper tiger by now? Because if is the second all is nedeed is an equivalent to the opium wars for the sharks to start circling them
Nurgan and Karakorum respectively.
It is relatively a paper tiger compared to more technologically advanced military powers but not as much as one would expect, and it still has the numerical advantage. Definitely not vulnerable to external threats anytime soon.
Not really but some European instruments found their way into Japan.
Not officially, I might change that and say they did tho as I think I'm gonna go back and edit the Artistic Developments chapter.
There must at least be some casual musicians among the European traders and sailors that could have transmitted their skills among the Japanese, no matter how rudimentary those can be.
"It was because of this status that Morimochi was able to manage"
Did something get cut off there?
Did something get cut off there?